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From “Kerala” to “Keralam”: The 2,000-Year Journey, From Emperor Ashoka’s Edicts to PM Modi’s Cabinet

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Bharatnewsupdates - Kerala To Keralam

The Union Cabinet, under the leadership Prime Minister Narendra Modi, approved the proposal to rename “Kerala” as “Keralam.”

For many Malayalis scrolling through their phone screens, the first reaction was: “Wasn’t it always Keralam?”

And honestly, they’re not wrong!

The History Behind Keralam Identity

The land we call home has been “Keralam” in our hearts and tongues for as long as anyone can remember. When we say “Ente Keralam” (my Kerala), the word rolls off the tongue naturally in Malayalam.

But in the Constitution’s First Schedule, it’s been officially recorded as “Kerala” since the states were reorganized on linguistic basis back on November 1, 1956.

But here’s something interesting – the name itself is ancient. Way ancient.

Archaeologists and historians point to Emperor Ashoka’s Major Rock Edict II from 257 BCE, where the term “Keralaputo” appears in Prakrit. That’s “Keralaputra” – son of Kerala.

“एवमपि प्रचंतेसु यथ चोडा, पाडा, सतियपुतो, केरलपुतो, तंबपंनी, अंतियको योनराजा…”

Then there’s Patanjali’s Mahabhashya from around the 2nd century BCE, which uses the exact word “Kerala” while explaining Sanskrit grammar rules.

The Ramayana and Mahabharata? They mention “Kerala” and “Keralas” too. In the Kishkindha Kanda, when Sugriva sends search parties for Sita Maa, he specifically names the Cholas, Pandyas, and “Keralas” in the south.

नदीं गोदावरीं चैव सर्वमेवानुपश्यत । तथैवान्ध्रांश्च पुण्ड्रांश्च चोलान् पाण्ड्यान् केरलान् ।।

By the 11th century, Chola inscriptions at the Brihadisvara Temple in Thanjavur proudly record victories over Chera kings, and there it is – “Kēraḷam” with that distinctive -am suffix that Malayalis instinctively add. The 14th-century grammar text Lilatilakam refers to the region as “Keralam” and calls the local language “Kerala-bhasha.”

So the word “Keralam” isn’t some new invention. It’s been around for centuries. The Keralolpathi, a 17th-century text about Parashurama creating the land, has the word right there in its title.

Why Now? The Politics Behind the Keralam

Here’s where things get a bit tangled.

The Kerala Legislative Assembly passed a resolution on June 24, 2024, unanimously appealing to the central government to change the name from “Kerala” to “Keralam” in the Constitution. The resolution pointed out something obvious – the state’s name in Malayalam has always been “Keralam,” so why not make it official?

The Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan-led LDF government sent this request to the Centre. And then…they waited. And waited.

For nearly two years, the file sat somewhere in the corridors of North Block. The Ministry of Home Affairs, under Amit Shah, had to consult the Department of Legal Affairs and the Legislative Department. Everyone had to agree. Concurrence notes had to be written. Files had to
move from one desk to another.

Now, in 2026, with elections not too far away in political calculations, the cabinet has finally given its nod.

The Process Behind Name Change

For those wondering why a state can’t just rename itself – the Constitution has rules for this. Article 3 gives Parliament the power to alter the name of any state. But there’s a process.

First, the state legislature has to pass a resolution. LDF government in Kerala did that in 2024.

Then, the central government considers it. Which they just did.

Next, the President will refer a bill – officially the Kerala (Alteration of Name) Bill, 2026– back to the state assembly for its views. Yes, even though the assembly already passed a resolution, the Constitution wants this specific step. The assembly will express its views (likely the same ones), and then the bill goes to Parliament.

The Ministry of Home Affairs, under Amit Shah, had examined the proposal in consultation with the Law Ministry.

Finally, Parliament votes on it, and if passed, the First Schedule of the Constitution gets amended. “Kerala” becomes “Keralam.”

Even after approval, several administrative steps will be required, including changes in official records, government signage, educational documents, passports, and international references.

Will This Benefit The BJP In Kerala?

Now for the question everyone’s whispering about: Is this a political move?

Kerala has 20 Lok Sabha seats. The BJP has never won a single one. In the 2021 assembly elections, they managed to open their account with two seats, but that’s still a minor presence in the 140-member house.

The BJP has been trying for years to gain a foothold in Kerala. They’ve tried Hindutva, they’ve tried development talk, they’ve tried courting Christian and Muslim communities. Nothing has really worked.

Kerala’s political landscape has traditionally been dominated by the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF).

So a name change that the Kerala government itself requested – and that coincide with cultural sentiments – might seem like an easy win.

The BJP can say, “See, we respect your identity. We cleared what your elected state government has asked for.”

But will common Malayalis buy it? The average person on the street in Thiruvananthapuram or Kochi knows that this request has been pending for two years. They know elections are approaching. They’ve seen this game before.

There’s also the fact that renaming doesn’t solve any real problems. It doesn’t fix potholes, create jobs, or improve schools. It’s symbolic politics – sometimes meaningful, sometimes just a distraction.

The Buzz Amongst Malyalis

Walk into any chai kada in Kerala, and you’ll hear mixed reactions. Some people shrug: “We already say Keralam. What changes?” Others are more cynical: “The BJP wants credit for something we asked for ages ago.”

There’s also the practical question: How much will this cost? Name changes mean updating official documents, signboards, government stationery, maybe even maps. That’s public money that could have gone elsewhere.

But there’s genuine sentiment too. For many, seeing “Keralam” in the Constitution feels like respect for the language. Malayalis are fiercely proud of their mother tongue, and if the official records can match what they speak at home, why not?

The Bigger Picture

India has seen many name changes – from Bombay to Mumbai, Madras to Chennai, Calcutta to Kolkata, Orissa to Odisha. Sometimes it feels organic, sometimes politically motivated. But in each case, the argument has been about shedding colonial hangovers or matching local pronunciation.

Kerala’s case is slightly different. “Kerala” isn’t exactly wrong – it’s the Sanskrit version that’s been used for millennia alongside “Keralam.”

The state’s own website is kerala.gov.in. Malayalam newspapers use both.

What makes this interesting is the timing. The BJP, which runs the central government, is approving something a Left-front state government asked for. In India’s polarized politics, that’s almost unusual. It suggests that on cultural-linguistic matters, there can still be some consensus.

Looking Forward

The bill still has to go through Parliament. With the NDA comfortably in power, passage seems certain. By the end of 2026, “Keralam” could officially be on the world map.

Whether this translates into votes for the BJP in 2026 for state election or 2029 for Lok Sabha is another question. Kerala voters are sophisticated. They watch, they analyze, and they rarely vote based on symbolism alone.

For now, though, Malayalis can smile a little. Their state’s name, the one their grandparents used, the one that appears in ancient inscriptions and modern conversations alike, is finally getting its due place in the Constitution.

Keralam it is. Always was, always will be!

 

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Youth Congress Leader’s Shirtless Protest: Sparks Shame & Embarrassment for India at AI Summit 2026

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At moments when a nation stands before the world to present its progress and promise, politics must pause at the threshold of national interest. The recent protest by the Indian National Congress Youth wing at a prestigious AI summit 2026, Delhi did the opposite — it pulled domestic confrontation into a space meant for global collaboration, turning a moment of pride into one of discomfort.

The summit was not a partisan gathering. It was a national platform where global leaders, policy experts, and technology CEOs assembled to witness India’s expanding role in the future of artificial intelligence. Events of such scale are diplomatic theatres as much as policy forums, where perception shapes partnerships and credibility fuels investment.

Yet the shirtless protest “PM is Compromised” led by Indian National Congress youth leaders, with political messaging linked to Rahul Gandhi, diverted attention from innovation to agitation. What should have been remembered for technological ambition instead risked being reduced to headlines of protest and confrontation. In international forums, optics matter — and the optics here were deeply unfortunate.

Democratic dissent is the lifeblood of any republic. But democracy also carries a responsibility: to recognize context, timing, and consequence. Not every stage is appropriate for protest, and not every grievance demands expression at moments of national representation. When political theatre intrudes upon diplomatic showcases, it does not weaken a government alone — it risks diluting the country’s collective image.

What makes the episode particularly troubling is the symbolism. Gate-crashing a summit hosting international delegates sends a message of internal discord at precisely the moment India seeks to project stability, confidence, and technological leadership. The world watches not only policy announcements but political behaviour. The difference between constructive dissent and disruptive spectacle lies in whether the action strengthens national discourse or undermines national credibility.

Some actions, regardless of political motivation, cannot be justified under the broad shield of democratic freedom. Freedom of expression is not a license to disregard national dignity, especially in spaces where India speaks to the world as one voice. Political disagreements are inevitable, but their expression must be measured against the larger canvas of national interest.

India’s rise in emerging technologies is a collective achievement, built across governments, industries, and institutions. Moments that showcase this progress should unite rather than divide. The AI summit was one such moment — and the protest that overshadowed it serves as a cautionary reminder that political competition must never eclipse national representation.

In the end, nations are judged not only by their technological prowess but by their political maturity. When the global spotlight shines, restraint is not weakness; it is statesmanship

Developing Story :

Delhi Police detain four IYC workers at the AI Summit protest; they will be produced in Patiala High Court. New Delhi.

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Shankaracharya, Shikha and UP Political Storm: From Batuk Beating to Batuk Puja

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When Faith Meets the Rulebook: The Magh Mela Lesson India Must Not Ignore

The confrontation involving Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati in Prayagraj has moved far beyond a dispute over a ceremonial chariot procession. What unfolded during the Magh Mela is now a layered controversy — part administrative crisis, part symbolic injury, and part political chessboard ahead of future electoral battles in Uttar Pradesh.

This investigative feature examines what really happened, and why the episode matters far beyond a single religious gathering.

The Story So Far

On the peak bathing day of Mauni Amavasya, the Shankaracharya sought to proceed for the holy dip in a palanquin/chariot procession. Authorities denied this citing crowd control and a strict no-vehicle protocol, applicable to all participants. Police insisted the seer walk to the Sangam like other devotees.

When followers resisted, tension escalated. Police forcibly removed disciples; videos showing some Batuks dragged by their tuft (choti) went viral, triggering outrage.

The seer staged a protest claiming disrespect and denial of religious dignity, while officials maintained the action was purely for safety amid crores of pilgrims.

Government position: law over status

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath defended the administration:

  • No VIP movement allowed on peak Snan day

  • Public safety took precedence amid massive crowds

  • “No one is above the law” and the Shankaracharya title has a defined process

The government’s argument is rooted in logistics. With more than 22 crore pilgrims attending the Mela, strict crowd management was essential to avoid stampede-like risks.

Deputy CM Brajesh Pathak’s damage-control outreach

Deputy CM Brajesh Pathak took a softer line:

  • Said pulling Batuks’ Choti was a “great sin” and action should be taken against guilty personnel.

  • Later invited 101 Batuks to his residence and performed ritual honouring as a symbolic reconciliation gesture

Political observers interpret this as image repair toward the Brahmin community, where resentment was reportedly building.

Opposition narrative

Opposition parties framed the incident as:

  • Insult to saints and Sanatan tradition

  • Excessive police force

  • BJP’s alleged “selective respect” toward religious figures

However, the ruling side countered by recalling earlier instances of confrontation with Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati at Varanasi during previous Samajwadi Party government, accusing opposition of selective outrage.

This mutual historical blame game reflects India’s familiar pattern: religious controversies becoming political ammunition across regimes.

Is Brahmin anger real or exaggerated?

Reality appears nuanced:

Reasons for resentment

  • Viral visuals of Batuks’ treatment hurt symbolic religious sentiments

  • Perception of disrespect toward a Shankaracharya

  • Existing caste-political undercurrents and policy grievances

Reasons anger may be overstated

  • BJP still retains strong Brahmin leadership and representation in UP

  • Government narrative of equal law appeals to broader voters

  • Pathak’s outreach and investigation assurances may diffuse tension

Thus, anger exists emotionally and online, but whether it translates into electoral shift remains uncertain.

Political impact on upcoming UP elections

Possible risks for BJP

  • Micro-level Brahmin dissatisfaction in select constituencies

  • Opposition mobilization using symbolism of saint disrespect

  • Social media narrative amplification

Possible gains

  • Law-and-order consistency image among neutral voters

  • Reinforcement of “no VIP culture” message

  • Ability to neutralize controversy through outreach

Historically, UP elections hinge more on coalition arithmetic and welfare politics than single religious incidents. Hence, this controversy is unlikely to be decisive alone, but may influence perception margins.

Bigger takeaway: faith vs governance dilemma

The episode highlights a recurring tension in Indian public life:

  • Religious hierarchy expects ceremonial recognition

  • Modern administration prioritizes uniform rules and safety

  • Viral visuals convert administrative actions into emotional debates

The truth lies in the grey zone — both dignity of saints and crowd safety are legitimate concerns.

Conclusion

The Prayagraj Magh Mela controversy is less about one saint or one police action and more about the complex negotiation between tradition, protocol and politics. Government action appears administratively defensible, yet the optics of force created emotional backlash. Political outreach suggests recognition of this sensitivity.

Whether the issue fades as a temporary storm or leaves a deeper caste-political ripple will depend on how narratives evolve beyond social media outrage.

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Mamata Banerjee v/s ECI: Voter Verification or Voter Exclusion? Battle Reaches Supreme Court

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Bharatnewsupdates : Chief Minister Mamata Banejee

Mamata Banerjee Became The First Sitting Chief Minister To Argue Her Case against ECI’s SIR Process In Supreme Court Of India!

The Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal was meant to be a routine administrative exercise. Instead, it has triggered a political, legal, and constitutional confrontation — one that has now reached the Supreme Court, carrying with it anxieties far beyond the borders of West Bengal.

At the center of this moment stands West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, who has taken the unusual step of personally appearing before the apex court to challenge the Election Commission of India (ECI). For some, her move signals political courage. For others, it smacks of calculated drama. But strip away the optics, and what remains is a serious democratic question: how does India balance electoral purity with voter protection?

What the SIR Is — and Why It Has Sparked Fear

The SIR process aims to update voter lists by removing inaccuracies — duplicate entries, deceased voters, mismatched details, or suspicious records. In theory, this is essential for free and fair elections.

The controversy arises from how the exercise is being conducted in West Bengal.

The state government’s petition before the Supreme Court alleges that the SIR is being rushed through within months instead of years, with limited transparency and unclear communication. It warns that lakhs of voters — particularly migrant workers, women, elderly citizens, daily wage earners, and the medically vulnerable — could lose their right to vote simply because they lack the time, access, or paperwork to respond.

A key concern is the classification of voters under the “Logical Discrepancy” (LD) category. According to the petition, lists of such voters were not uploaded online despite court directions, denying affected citizens the opportunity to know what was wrong or how to fix it. If voters are unaware they are under scrutiny, how can they defend their democratic rights?

A fiery Chief Minister Steps Into Court

Bharatnewsupdates - Courtroom

The Image Is For Representation Purpose Only

Mamata Banerjee’s appearance in the Supreme Court instantly turned legal proceedings into a national spectacle. Sitting Chief Ministers rarely argue cases themselves, and her decision to do so added both symbolism and scrutiny.

Mamata Banerjee had in advance submitted an application under Article 32 of the Constitution, soliciting consent to personally appear in the court. She was present in the court arguing along with her legal team headed by her Senior Counsel Shyam Divan.

In court, Banerjee questioned the intent and timing of the exercise. Why compress a process that usually takes years into three months? Why initiate such revisions predominantly in election-bound states? Why, she asked, were repeated letters from the state government to the ECI left unanswered?

Supporters saw a leader refusing to delegate the fight for her people’s votes. Critics dismissed it as emotional overreach. Yet the courtroom atmosphere — attentive listening, judicial remarks allowing her to continue — suggested that the questions resonated beyond political loyalties.

West Bengal Electoral Rolls & SIR: Data Snapshot (Official & Reported)

Metric                                            Figure                        Source/Context

Electors in West Bengal
(Jan 2025) ~                            7.66 crore                     Election Commission, draft SIR rolls data

Electors after draft SIR
(Dec 2025) ~                           7.08 crore                    Draft roll reduction reported after phase 1

Names deleted in draft roll ~ 58.2 lakh                   Removed due to death, relocation,                                                                                                               duplication, absent voters

Dead voters identified (to Dec 1) ~ 21 lakh             Based on BLO reporting to ECI

Total votes flagged for                   1.67 crore           ECI figures on data mismatches needing
“logical discrepancies” ~                                               verification   

Unmapped voters
(no 2002 linkage) ~              30.6 lakh                      Estimated unmapped in draft phase

New enrolments vs deletions ~
deleted                                  3.24 lakh new v/s 58.2 lakh   CEO office comparison

Overall increase in voters
since 2002 +66 %              (4.58 cr → 7.63 cr)       ECI comparison of rolls over 23 years

District-Level Trends (Border Areas)

Here’s how voter lists changed between 2002 and 2025 in key west Bengal districts (ECI data):

District                Increase in Registered Voters                        Notes

Uttar Dinajpur              105.49 %                                         Highest surge among districts

Malda                               94.58 %                                         Border district with Bangladesh

Murshidabad                  87.65 %                                         Border district with major increases

South 24 Parganas       83.30 %                                          Another large increase

North 24 Parganas       72.18 %                                          Near Bangladesh border

Nadia                               71.46 %                                          Border district demographic rise

Note: Nine of the top ten districts with the highest increases are border districts — highlighting concentrated growth near the India–Bangladesh frontier.

Key Implications from Data

Large-Scale Deletions~58 lakh names were removed in the first draft of the SIR process.
Of these, ~24 lakh were identified dead, ~19 lakh shifted permanently, with other categories including “unmapped” and duplicates.

This shows that the SIR is actively removing entries from the rolls, not just flagging them for later hearsay.

Huge Increase Since Last SIR (2002)

West Bengal’s electorate has grown by ~66 % since 2002 — far faster than natural demographic expectations alone would predict.

Analysts point out that nine of the ten districts recording the sharpest growth share a border with Bangladesh — a fact difficult to ignore when discussing illegal migration, demographic pressures, and security concerns.

Discrepancies & Verification Bottlenecks

  • Over 1.67 crore entries are flagged for logical discrepancies — mismatches that will require hearings, proofs, or re-enrolment.
  • Around 30 lakh voters lacked a direct match to the 2002 roll, making them candidates for scrutiny.

This means that the next phase is not only about deletion — it’s about re-verifying huge swathes of entries to separate genuine voters from suspicious ones.

Additional Context

New enrolments during audit period were modest (~3.24 lakh) compared with the scale of deletions, underscoring that the exercise is primarily about roll correction rather than expansion.

Muslim-majority districts have seen a higher share of SIR notices compared with lower-minority areas — suggesting differential impact and raising further questions about implementation patterns.

 

The ECI and BJP’s Counter-Claim

The Election Commission and the BJP reject accusations of bias or political motive. According to them, the SIR is necessary precisely because electoral rolls in West Bengal have been compromised over years.

Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari has accused the state machinery of protecting fake voters, inflating rolls, and deliberately ignoring illegal entries. From this perspective, SIR is not disenfranchisement but correction — an overdue effort to restore credibility to elections.

This counter-argument cannot be ignored. Electoral fraud, if left unchecked, corrodes democracy just as surely as voter exclusion does.

The Question Beneath the Question

Much of the debate around the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has been mired in procedural arguments — timelines, forms, portals, document categories, and lists of logical discrepancies.

While such details are important, they obscure the real and urgent issue at stake:

national security and the integrity of India’s electoral democracy. West Bengal shares the longest stretch of the India-Bangladesh border, over 2,200 km, much of it riverine and difficult to monitor. That geography has historically made the state a route for both refugees and undocumented migrants, driven by economic distress, climate pressures, and socio-political factors across the border.

Concerns over illegal migration are not fringe claims. Independent research suggests that West Bengal’s electoral roll may have contained over 1 crore names more than the estimated legitimate electorate — about 13.7 % more than expected given demographic trends, birth cohorts, deaths, and verified migration data.

Bharatnewsupdates - Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants

Between 2002, when the last comprehensive SIR was carried out, and 2025, the state’s electoral rolls expanded from about 4.58 crore to over 7.63 crore registered voters — a 66 % increase that far outpaces demographic growth rates in most other large states.

Most of this growth is concentrated in border districts — Uttar Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad, South 24 Parganas, North 24 Parganas, and others — all sharing a frontier with Bangladesh and all reporting disproportionately high increases in voter registrations and “logical discrepancies” flagged under SIR.

This is not mere speculation. The Election Commission and security officials have flagged unusual patterns of voter roll expansion in these areas, patterns that coincide with longstanding concerns about illegal migration, document fraud, and porous border control — issues that directly affect both national security and the legitimacy of political representation.

At the same time, the SIR exercise has already resulted in the removal of over 58 lakh names from draft rolls due to routine factors like deaths, permanent relocation, duplication, and failure to submit required documentation.

Critics argue about whether every extra name is an “illegal migrant.” Yet a democracy that does not actively and transparently verify eligibility opens itself to exploitation and erosion of trust — not just in one state, but nationwide.

This is the real constitutional fault line: a sovereign republic cannot treat citizenship as a casual claim or a negotiable status. It must protect the right to vote for genuine citizens while ensuring that illegal or fraudulent entries — whether arising from porous borders, lax documentation controls, or deliberate manipulation — do not distort electoral outcomes.

Conversely, reforms like SIR also matter because they protect lawful voters from dilution of their voice. Allowing false entries to remain undermines the essence of electoral power and shifts influence from citizens to whoever can game the system.

India faced a similar dilemma during the Assam NRC process, where verification took centre stage, but the deeper question — how to balance inclusion with security — remained unresolved. The SIR debate now forces that question back into the open, and it must be addressed with both clarity and urgency.

Because at stake is not just a list of names.

It is the very trust that underpins India’s democracy — that citizens’ votes count fairly, that the State protects its territorial and electoral integrity, and that the republic remains sovereign in both law and in practice.

What the Supreme Court Now Faces

The Supreme Court has listed further hearings and sought mechanisms to correct discrepancies. Its final ruling will do more than settle a dispute between a state government and the ECI.

It will define how far electoral authorities can go in the name of verification, and how firmly voter rights must be protected when efficiency threatens exclusion.

Why This Matters Beyond Bengal

This is not just a West Bengal story. It is a warning for the entire country.

A democracy becomes stronger when its lawful, native citizens can vote fearlessly, confident that their voice carries full weight. But that same democracy becomes fragile when illegal immigrants and non-citizens are allowed to enter the electoral system, quietly diluting the will of those who rightfully belong.

As elections grow more competitive and increasingly data-driven, the power of the State to verify, flag, and correct voter rolls will inevitably expand.

This power is not dangerous by itself. What weakens democracy is not verification — it is inaction, opacity, or the political reluctance to confront illegal inclusion.

Strip away party slogans and courtroom drama, and the conflict is not about Mamata Banerjee versus the BJP, or Bengal versus Delhi. It is about a republic drawing a clear line between citizenship and intrusion, between democratic participation and demographic manipulation.

The uncomfortable truth is this:a democracy cannot remain confident if its elections are influenced by those who do not legally belong to it.

Protecting the vote of the genuine Indian citizen is not exclusion — it is the foundation.

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